Generolo Jono Žemaičio Lietuvos karo akademija

The aim of the text is to verify such changing geopolitics through an increasing (possible) cooperation concerning the United States of America, Taiwan and Lithuania in the fields of politics and security, as well as to point out what China has lost by Lithuania’s withdrawal from cooperation in the format ‘16+1’. The research problem is a diplomatic discussion between Lithuania and China, which has achieved increasing interest from foreign countries. The theoretical basis of the research is post-structural theory and Gustavsson’s model. From this conception, Lithuania accepts and raises its identity as it is, primarily according to a huge and unsafe power.

The subject of the study is economic relations between USA and China. The aim of the study is to characterize the dynamics of the world-system status of China in the XX-XXI centuries and the economic characteristics of its mode of production at present. The main idea of the article is to substantiate the untenability of considering the real state of the economic system of China as “socialism with Chinese characteristics”. Currently, China is integrated into the world-system according to the Beijing Consensus model. The model of China is a specific Asian capitalism, in which a special mode of capital accumulation is formed - with a higher role of the state in the process of capital accumulation than in the fourth cycle of capitalist accumulation. Its world-system status can be characterized as a strong semi-periphery, which entered the competition for hegemony in the next system cycle of capitalist accumulation. If the motion path leads China to the goal, it will be for the first time a specific non-Western hegemony. This research result allows determining the prospects for changing relations in the world economy as a result of the completion of the fourth system cycle of capitalist accumulation.

Strategic (Comprehensive) Partnership, as a general concept and also as a specific foreign policy instrument for developing the European Union’s relations with key world countries (strategic partners), involves not only equivalent, mutually beneficial and institutionalized cooperation in many areas but also a joint solution to strategic (security and defense) issues and issues of regional and global governance where parties not only cooperate but also share responsibility. The objective of this article is to analyze the legal instruments (criteria) of the EU-China Strategic Partnership and to compare its character with the general legal concept of the EU Strategic Partnership. Based on this analysis we will answer the question whether the EU-China Strategic Partnership shows evidence of unclarity, imperfection and elusiveness of the EU’s Strategic Partnership.

We study the strategy for the development of standard means of communicating information between businesses and governments. At this time, almost all of the funding and activity to develop and enhance a tool for such communication, which is named eXtensible Business Reporting Language (XBRL) is being done by and in the United States. We use China, who competes with the U.S. in the XBRL market, as an example to investigate if sharing the developmental effort by one, or more, additional countries would produce a more optimum result. Based on game theory, we demonstrate that China should increase investment in XBRL. The best achievable performance is when China and the U.S. almost split equally the whole XBRL market, leaving only a small portion to the “Followers”. (Followers are users that utilize XBRL, but have little or no participation in its development.) The paper provides a brief overview of the history and the reality of XBRL. The authors attempt to estimate (1) the benefits for China in the development of XBRL (2) benefits under monopoly (3) benefits under oligopoly and (4) benefits under the extreme condition with two participants equally sharing the market.