Generolo Jono Žemaičio Lietuvos karo akademija

This article surveys a strategic document regulating the military policy of Russia – the military doctrine of 2010 and its practical realization. The main characteristics of the doctrine are analyzed; the doctrine is compared with previous doctrines. Attempts are made to explain how the doctrine’s provisions regarding the threat of NATO to the national security of Russia are related to practical actions of security and foreign policy under realization; at the same time, the article raises the problem of the instrumentality of this document in Russia’s diplomatic policy, the goal of which is to considerably increase its influence on processes taking place in the international system. The author discusses how the main directions of the new military policy – a radical transformation of the military and its initial results – are constructed in the doctrine. The article emphasizes that the optimization and modernization of the armed forces that is going on enhances the military power of Russia, yet the political regime is not oriented towards democratic changes. Both in military policy and in other national security matters, the power of decision-making in essence largely depends on the unilateral decision of the president. This, without any doubt, gives a serious basis for talking about increased threats to the national security of Lithuania.

Straipsnyje siekiama apžvelgti Rusijos rinkimų sistemos sudėtine dalimi tapusius fenomenalius reiškinius ,,valdžios partiją“ ir administracinį resursą, vertinant juos kaip antidemokratinius ir neformalius elementus, trukdančius demokratinės rinkimų sistemos konsolidacijai. Nuosekliai aptariamos federalinių bei 2005 m. pabaigos ir 2006 m. regioninių rinkimų praktikos, siekiant išsiaiškinti šių rinkimų proceso reiškinių sklaidos mastą, metodus ir su jais susijusią politinę konjunktūros įtaką. Remiantis atliktais pastebėjimais, aptariami galimi būsimų rinkimų preliminarūs scenarijai (pirmiausiai 2007 m. Valstybės Dūmos ir kai kurios galimos sąsajos su 2008 m. Prezidento rinkimais).

The paper reviews the phenomena of the "party of power" and "administrative resource," which have become an integral part of the Russian electoral system. These said phenomena are considered anti-democratic and informal elements, preventing the consolidation of the democratic electoral system. Practices of federal election, those at the end of 2005 and also the regional of 2006, are coherently discussed. This with the goal to explore the extent and methods of the dispersion of the said phenomena of the electoral process and the impact of political conjuncture related thereto. Based on the comments established, possible preliminary scenarios of the oncoming election are discussed, in particular that of State Duma in 2007 and certain possible links to the Presidential election in 2008.

Straipsnyje nagrinėjama Rusijos vidaus politikos proceso sudedamojo ir išskirtinio elemento, vadinamojo rinkimų ciklo, apimančio 2003 metų Valstybės Dūmos ir 2004 metų prezidento rinkimų laikotarpius, demokratiškumo problema. Pirmiausia pateikiama politinio režimo, kaip esminio veiksnio, darančio įtaką rinkimų turiniui, bendroji prieš rinkimus išryškėjusi charakteristika. Ypatingas dėmesys skiriamas Valstybės Dūmos ir prezidento rinkimų kampanijų procedūrų eigos demokratinių reikalavimų pažeidimams bei analizuojama proprezidentinės partijos „Vieningoji Rusija“ išskirtinė programinė „demokratinė“ pozicija dėl vyriausybės formavimo remiantis rinkimų į Dūmą rezultatais. Aptariami rinkimų politiniai rezultatai, kurie dar ketveriems metams legitimizavo Putino vykdomą politinės monocentristinės valdžios stiprinimo ir demokratinių procesų „įšaldymo“ kursą, pabrėžiama, kad tai pasiekta pažeidžiant demokratinį atstovavimo principą, kadangi rinkimų procedūrų metu nebuvo užtikrintos lygios sąlygos visiems politinių varžybų dalyviams. Taigi pastarieji rinkimai netapo tolesnės demokratijos sklaidos indikatoriumi.

The article deals with the internal political process compound and idiosyncratic element of so called election cycle covering the period of 2003 elections to the State Duma and 2004 elections of the president democracy problem. First, the general characteristics of the preelection political regime are defined as of the main factor influencing the content of the elections. Main attention is paid to the violations of the democracy requirements in the procedural course of the presidential and the State Duma’s election campaigns and to the analysis of the propresidential party „United Russia“ exceptional keynote „democratic“ position on forming the government on the basis of the Duma’s results. The political results of the elections are discussed that for the additional four years have legitimized the direction of the political monocentric power strengthening and freezing of the democratic processes conducted by Putin and it is stressed that it is achieved violating the principle of the democratic representation justice as the equal opportunities were not guaranteed for all participants of the political competition in the election procedural course. Thus, the last elections have not become the indicator of the further spread of democracy.

This is the summary of results from a full-scale research project, which has been carried out by the Strategic Research Center during the year 2003. The main objective of this project was to provide the general public with a deep analysis of the different aspects of Belarus realities and policies in the context of Baltic regional and European security. The research project was implemented by an international research team. Analysis of the Belarus political system was done by Virgilijus Pugaciauskas (Lithuania). The security sector of the Republic of Belarus was covered by Vyachalau Paznyak (Belarus). Analysis of the economic situation was done by Valery Dashkevich (Belarus). Ecological threats originating from Belarus were precisely explored by Eleonora Gvozdeva (Belarus). Sander Huis- man (the Netherlands) analysed Belarus realities in the context of the EU’s new security and neighbourhood policies. And finally, the general assessment of Belarus as a regional security factor was completed by Gediminas Vitkus (Lithuania). The project came to an end at the beginning of 2004 with the follow-up publication in Lithuanian"". In order to make the results of this project more known to the wider public, we are reprinting the comprehensive English summary of that publication.