Generolo Jono Žemaičio Lietuvos karo akademija

By exploiting the potential of social media, disinformation has become an important element of warfare. The region of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) is particularly vulnerable to disinformation, primarily from Russia. One of the reasons for Russia’s activities in this region’s infosphere is that most CEE countries are members of the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). In this context, Russian disinformation activities aimed at the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) are particularly interesting. The image of the 3SI created in the media is crucial, for it translates into how the public understands, perceives and recalls this format of cooperation. The article aims to reconstruct the image of the 3SI in cases of Russian disinformation identified by the European External Action Service within the EUvsDisinfo project. The article’s methodology is based on a qualitative content analysis of disinformation cases identified by EUvsDisinfo. The article identifies four main frames of disinformation targeting the 3SI, showing that Russian disinformation is focused on undermining the credibility and integrity of this cooperation, both among Initiative countries and between them and their international partners.

The article describes development and technical modernization of the Polish Armed Forces after 2014. It explores the linkage between development and modernization efforts and evolving military threat posed by Russia. Discussion on evolution of military threat posed by Russia constitutes a starting point for further analyses. Then, a comparative analysis of development and technical modernization plans adopted for Polish Armed Forces after 2014 and tangible results of modernization efforts undertaken during this period is presented. The article concludes with predictions on sustainability of development and modernization of the Polish Armed Forces.

The study attempts to present the impact of Russian policy on Saudi Arabia in terms of economic security. Analyses of primary data on the quantitative states of the possessed oil and gas resources and their annual consumption, as well as the state of essential armaments of Russia and Saudi Arabia were carried out and evaluated. As a result of the analysis of the literature of the research, it was observed that the potential of Russian-Saudi military cooperation is unrealized. One of the goals of Russian policy is to seek to limit the influence of both Saudi Arabia and the United States in the Middle East region. This limitation allows Saudi Arabia itself to not dictate world oil prices. The United States, on the other hand, due to its huge demand for oil, is forced to pursue such a policy in order to be guaranteed an adequate price and continuity of supply to meet its oil needs now and in the future.

The aim of the article is to present Chechen terrorism as a consequence of violations of basic human rights, including the crimes of genocide committed by the Russian Federation in the First Russo-Chechen War in 1994-1996. It has been argued that terrorism has become a dramatic way of drawing the international community’s attention to the tragedy taking place in Chechnya. Over time, Chechen fighters were influenced by radical Muslim groups and used terrorist fighting methods. On the other hand, the Russians did not shy away from bombing entire villages they suspected of sheltering wanted fighters. All this led to an escalation of terrorism and radicalization of religious views among a large part of the society. Moreover, the lack of a decisive reaction from the West to the policy of exterminating the Chechen population by the Russian Federation has led to an increase in anti-Western sentiment, which had not been recorded in Chechnya before.

The aim of the scientific article is to reveal motives and features of using private military companies in Russian Federation foreign and security policy in 2014-2019. In order to do so, qualitative research method is applied, using case analysis method. From the analysis of the motives for the use of private military companies and conventional forces, it can be said that they are similar, as the use of both military structures allows to achieve more or less the same interests. However, it was observed that in terms of the specifics of the forces and the diversity scheme of social deviations, private military and security companies are more similar to regular forces. Nevertheless, both types of private companies help Russia avoid direct liability for various violations of the law. Considering the case of Russia analyzed in the study, the factors explained in the microtheory are adjusted, supplemented and interrelated. The analysis found that not all regions that are far from Russia are financially beneficial, but strategically, all give Russia an advantage over the United States.

Current study aims to analyse the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and related economic and political sanctions in the framework of game theory, debate the possible outcomes and to suggest the measures, which could contribute to the successful solution of the conflict. “The chicken dilemma” and “the dollar auction game” have been selected among various models for deeper analyse as matching the starting criteria and possible rational options for conflict endgame. The criteria of success and predicted success scenarios are seen different, but as the authors see it, in theory both Russia and the EU could be motivated to “pull back”. However, their willingness not to “lose the game” is determined in real terms by the “breaking points” that both parties to the conflict would like to avoid.

The paper presents research which investigates the implications of national culture and organizational culture in the Lithuanian and Russian SMEs. While much of the attention has been given to organizational culture in large companies, little research has been focused on organizational and national culture in SMEs. The research is based on the main ideas of Hofstede’s framework of seven cultural dimensions and Denison’s cultural model, which measures culture in organizations with four major traits, such as involvement, consistency, adaptability, and mission. The quantitative research is based on responses to a questionnaire embracing various aspects of national and organizational culture. The authors of the research have elaborated proposals for further research.